Socialism and the Welsh national project can be combined. Whether they will be is a different question.
The debate over Welsh nationalism’s compatibility or otherwise with socialism obviously far predates our current crisis, but it was amplified by First Minister Mark Drakeford on BBC Radio 4 back in May. Discussing the UK Government’s poor covid-19 response, Nick Robinson asked Drakeford whether the perceived relative competence of Wales’ devolved administration had caused him to rethink his views on Welsh independence. In an answer that predictably sparked online outrage, Drakeford reaffirmed his support for unionism, describing devolution as ‘the best of both worlds’ and dismissing nationalism as ‘an inherently right-wing creed.’[1]
The Hiraeth podcast has subsequently addressed this by airing two opposing views on the matter — those of fellow Cardiff University PhD student Sam Parry[2] and labour historian Dr Daryl Leeworthy[3] — and by hosting a discussion on federalism with Jane Dodds, Hefin David and Mark Hooper.[4] All three episodes are well worth a listen, as they contribute to a debate which Wales urgently needs to have with itself.
Nationalism(s): many and various
Parry and Leeworthy, though they disagree on plenty, both settled on the central point: that Drakeford’s dismissal of nationalism as innately conservative should be rejected either as a facile misreading or, as Leeworthy insinuates, a deliberate misrepresentation. The claim that nationalism is ‘inherently right-wing’ is akin to the idea that pies are ‘inherently chicken and mushroom’ — it confuses the category with the object. There are several characteristics intrinsic to nationalism, but none of them are by their nature right- or left-wing — every nationalist movement is distinct in its ideological character.
Of course, nationalism can be not only conservative but openly fascistic, and, after the grim brutality etched into history in its name, it is somewhat understandable that it is often seen only through this lens. However, in order to have a productive discussion of its nature, we must recognise that this is far from universally the case.
Nationalisms are also varied within themselves, and often contain several opposing traditions. In Catalonia, for instance, there are three major nationalist political parties (one centre-right, one centre-left and one far-left), competing internally for hegemony. So, not only should we move away from the idea that all nationalism is right-wing, but there is also no use in seeing each national movement as straightforwardly positive or negative. As Tom Nairn had it, ‘the huge family of nationalisms cannot be divided into the black cats and the white cats, with a few half-breeds in between. The whole family is spotted, without exception.’[5] The pure malleability of the nation means it can be applied as a framework for all kinds of political mobilisation.
Nation, state and Labour
It is unsurprising, then, as Nye Davies expertly details, that Welsh nationalism has long been and continues to be pursued by socialists. Examples range from Gwyn Alf Williams to Leanne Wood. What is perhaps more intriguing is that, despite Drakeford’s comments, the Labour Party itself also sees no contradiction between its own values and nationalist rhetoric. As Davies writes, ‘Whether it be British or Welsh in nature, nationalism is a major feature of Labour Party politics.’[6]
It is therefore important to make a distinction between Welsh nationalism per se (of which there are many different strands, including Welsh Labour’s soft, double-edged approach) and the Welsh independence movement. That is, we need to separate the ideas of nation and state.
Put very simply, a nation in the modern sense is what Benedict Anderson famously described as an imagined community.[7] Political nationalism then mobilises this community via the doctrine of popular sovereignty, arguing that the nation, as a congruent unit, deserves the ability to make decisions for itself.[8] This is not always a campaign for outright independence (i.e. a nation-state of its own) — it can also take the shape of representation within another state, as is the case with Welsh devolution.
There is no doubt that, through claiming sovereignty for Wales, the movement for an independent Welsh state is necessarily underpinned by nationalism, but Wales’ existence as a nation is not tied to the independence movement. As Huw Williams writes, the current devolution settlement is itself ‘premised on the idea that Wales is a unique polity with its own people and political culture, who view the world differently as a collective, and have different traditions and experiences to call upon.’[9]
Welsh Labour clearly have little problem endorsing certain versions of this. The compatibility test should thus not be between socialism and Welsh nationalism, but between socialism and Welsh independence. As I’ve said, the former unavoidably shapes the latter, but it needs to be understood that nation and state are neither entirely separate nor entirely united: there is an ongoing dynamic — both top-down and bottom-up — between the two.
Socialist Britain?
Seizing the ‘levers of power’, as Daryl Leeworthy puts it, is of course the only viable way of enacting socialism at the British level. Even those who propose a federal UK, such as Hefin David and Jane Dodds, note that the ability to implement progressive policies is contingent on electing the right party to Westminster. Given the state’s profound association with nationalism, however, the likelihood of achieving radical change in this way should be understood in light of the specificities of the British nation, its relationship with the British state and the role of both in potentially aiding or obstructing socialism in 2020 and beyond. It is not sufficient, as Sam Parry rightly points out, to see Britishness as value-neutral.
As it is, the dominant form of British nationalism is defined by deeply reactionary political ideals. As Ellen Meiksins Wood described, the specific development of English capitalism has left in place ‘archaic forms’ which have imbedded themselves in British society and may ensure that capitalism is ‘deeply rooted’ in Britain.[10] Peculiar anachronisms, such as the monarchy and the House of Lords, anti-democratic though they are, retain pride of place within the British (but particularly the English) national psyche. As Alex Niven writes in New Model Island, England is a ‘confused, post-imperial half nation founded on structures of monarchism, financial services and rentier capitalism’, and yet the logic of the British state relies upon it.[11]
There is little to suggest this is changing. Britain has now been governed for the past decade by a Conservative Party which has smoothly morphed into a right-wing English nationalist project. On top of the self-exceptionalism which underwrote its covid-19 strategy[12] and its pursuit of a Brexit settlement which combines rampant neoliberalism with nationalist triumphalism (and, in the process, threatens the existence of Welsh farming[13]), it has also started to demonstrate a previously unthinkable blasé attitude to the integrity of the United Kingdom, in order to sure up its support base in England.[14] This is even before its recent enthusiasm to use the tentacles of the state to clamp down on anti-racists and migrants, appealing to that same constituency of voters.[15] [16] Not only does this seem to be working, but it is upheld by a media which is deeply hostile to any deviation. As Mark Hooper says, this is not a nation-state which is the slightest bit internationalist.
The only feasible electoral route for resistance to this kamikaze Englishness is through a Labour Party which, when offered the chance to channel a socialistic project, seemingly did its best to derail it,[17] [18] and has now retreated back to a vision of credibility which is shaped by its adversaries.[19] The received wisdom is that a radical reframing of Britain is simply not a strategy for winning elections. As Christine Berry writes, it is not that the new leadership of the Labour Party is ideologically right-wing; rather, it is ‘committed to trying to game the UK’s increasingly decaying political system, rather than finding ways to change it.’[20]
Options for addressing desperately urgent questions — ecological emergency, post-pandemic recession, structural racism and crises of insecure work and housing — therefore appear limited at the UK level. In order to deal with our immense challenges with the required speed, the 2021 Senedd elections need to be viewed as a lifeline to pull Welsh society firmly onto a different trajectory. If the Welsh Government does not have the capacity to implement such change, its representatives should be demanding that these powers are devolved.
This would bring about a different situation entirely: as well as the long- and short-term barriers to progressive politics at Westminster, the British state may ultimately prove itself to be more of an obstacle to radical policies for Wales than it is a vehicle for them. It is worth remembering that, in spite of large Conservative gains, Wales overwhelmingly voted for left-of-centre parties in 2019.[21]
A different Wales
Still, to many, the idea of an independent Wales is daunting. Concerns of ‘splitting ourselves off from the world’ need to be taken seriously, whether they come from a place of ostensible internationalism or economic prudence. An independent state would not, on its own, save Wales from financial dependency on others, and the fear of a breakdown in relations with England post-independence is equally real.
Further, there is a justified worry that an independent Wales would simply create a smaller copy of what we already have. The ongoing Londonisation of Cardiff, for instance, is but one of many processes taking place on the Welsh Government’s watch which undermine public confidence in Wales’ ability to govern itself differently.[22]
This is precisely why Welsh independence cannot afford to be tokenistic. Independence which does not deliver a material improvement to people’s lives is neither publicly appealing nor, ultimately, worth having. As Gareth Leaman puts it, ‘any form of Welsh independence is merely an exit from that which prevents us from building an emancipatory politics: it is not the emancipatory politics itself.’[23]
Nonetheless, it is my view that Welsh independence and socialism are easily reconciled. This is not to say that the multitude of components that define Welsh nationalism are immune from right-wing tendencies. Rather, the ideals by which the modern British state defines itself are anathema to rapid progressive change, and yet are held together as integral parts of its national identity. Any movement seeking to overhaul this would have to uproot the very assumptions of Britishness, challenging its entire personality. In the meantime, people are suffering, and the world is burning. For this reason, I believe, socialism in Wales is increasingly taking the form of a movement for an independent state.
More than this, current conditions are harmonising socialism with traditionally ‘nationalistic’ concerns. The role of the housing crisis in the degradation of both Welsh-speaking and non-Welsh-speaking communities is one example. With 40% of all houses sold in Gwynedd last year being bought as second homes,[24] it is clear that the struggle for the defence of Welsh as a living language is itself rooted in a battle for social and economic justice for the whole of Wales.[25]
The debate will continue to pivot on nationalism. Many Welsh nationalists could never identify with the UK, and hard-line British nationalists will never back independence: nobody claims sovereignty for a nation they don’t believe in. But nationalism is itself subject to external forces. Scottish independence and Irish reunification — neither of which are certainties — would catalyse the drive for Welsh separatism more than any of our current compounding crises. Faced with a choice between interminable Tory rule over the Kingdom of England and Wales and the chance of a progressive alternative in Cardiff Bay, even Drakeford himself could be convinced before the end.
Joe Healy is a PhD student at Cardiff University, researching nationalism, state crisis and social movements in Spain and France post-2008
References
[1] BBC 2020. Political thinking with Nick Robinson: The Mark Drakeford one. Political Thinking with Nick Robinson. Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/p08d900h [Accessed: 8 August 2020].
[2] Hiraeth 2020. The Welsh national movement and socialism are compatible. Available at: https://soundcloud.com/hiraethpod/the-welsh-national-movement-and-socialism-are-compatible [Accessed: 8 August 2020].
[3] Hiraeth 2020. The Welsh national movement and socialism are not compatible. Available at: https://soundcloud.com/hiraethpod/the-welsh-national-movement-and-socialism-are-not-compatible [Accessed: 8 August 2020].
[4] Hiraeth 2020. Is federalism the solution for the UK’s divisions? Available at: https://soundcloud.com/hiraethpod/is-federalism-the-solution-for-the-uks-divisions [Accessed: 20 August 2020].
[5] Nairn, T. 1981. The modern Janus. In: The break-up of Britain. 2nd ed. London: Verso, pp. 329–364, p. 348
[6] Davies, N. 2020. Drakeford, nationalism and Welsh political traditions. Cardiff University 20 May. Available at: https://blogs.cardiff.ac.uk/thinking-wales/2020/05/20/drakeford-nationalism-and-welsh-political-traditions/ [Accessed: 4 August 2020].
[7] Anderson, B. 1991. Imagined communities: reflections on the origins and spread of nationalism. London: Verso.
[8] Yack, B. 2001. Popular sovereignty and nationalism. Political Theory 29(4), pp. 517–536.
[9] Williams, H. 2020. Light shining out of darkness. Undod 20 March. Available at: https://undod.cymru/en/2020/03/20/golau/ [Accessed: 12 August 2020].
[10] Meiksins Wood, E. 2016. The peculiarities of the English and the decline of Britain. Available at: https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/2310-the-peculiarities-of-the-english-and-the-decline-of-britain-ellen-meiksins-wood-on-the-nairn-anderson-thesis-and-the-bourgeois-paradigm [Accessed: 6 August 2020].
[11] Niven, A. 2019. New Model Island: how to build a radical culture beyond the idea of England. London: Watkins Media Limited, p. 70
[12] O’Toole, F. 2020. Coronavirus has exposed the myth of British exceptionalism. The Guardian 11 April. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/apr/11/coronavirus-exposed-myth-british-exceptionalism [Accessed: 10 August 2020].
[13] Clark, S. 2020. The end of Welsh farming? Undod 8 June. Available at: https://undod.cymru/en/2020/06/08/diwedd-ffermio/ [Accessed: 10 August 2020].
[14] Kenny, M. 2020. English nationalism, the 2019 election and the future of the British state. Political Insight 11(1), pp. 24–27. doi: 10.1177/2041905820911744.
[15] Hamilton, F. 2020. Black Lives Matter: Priti Patel’s interference is abuse of power, say police chiefs. The Times 13 June. Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/black-lives-matter-priti-patels-interference-is-abuse-of-power-say-police-chiefs-tljzbsghw [Accessed: 8 August 2020].
[16] BBC 2020. Home Office seeks navy help over migrant crossings. BBC News 8 August. Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-53704809 [Accessed: 9 August 2020].
[17] Bastani, A. 2020. ‘It’s going to be a long night’ — How members of Labour’s senior management team campaigned to lose. Available at: https://novaramedia.com/2020/04/12/its-going-to-be-a-long-night-how-members-of-labours-senior-management-campaigned-to-lose/ [Accessed: 8 August 2020].
[18] Ryle, J. 2020. I saw from the inside how Labour staff worked to prevent a Labour government. Available at: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/opendemocracyuk/i-saw-inside-how-labour-staff-worked-prevent-labour-government/ [Accessed: 8 August 2020].
[19] Scothorne, R. 2020. Short cuts: under new management. London Review of Books 42(16) 13 August. Available at: https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v42/n16/rory-scothorne/short-cuts [Accessed: 8 August 2020].
[20] Berry, C. 2020. An argument for hope — an open letter to the post-Corbyn left. Medium 13 August. Available at: https://medium.com/@christinejaneberry/an-argument-for-hope-an-open-letter-to-the-post-corbyn-left-e1e78cb775b8 [Accessed: 14 August 2020].
[21] BBC 2019. Results of the 2019 General Election in Wales. Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/election/2019/results/wales [Accessed: 10 August 2020].
[22] Kocan, H. 2020. Away from urbanisation. Hiraeth 31 July. Available at: https://medium.com/@hiraethblogcymru/away-from-urbanisation-hugh-kocan-caa387de7887 [Accessed: 24 August 2020].
[23] Leaman, G. 2020. Y Feirws Prydeinig / The British Virus. Undod 14 June. Available at: https://undod.cymru/en/2020/06/14/feirws-prydeinig-british-virus/ [Accessed: 8 August 2020].
[24] Evans, H. 2020. Revealed: The proportion of houses bought as second homes in just one county. Available at: https://www.dailypost.co.uk/news/north-wales-news/revealed-proportion-gwynedd-houses-bought-18728443 [Accessed: 10 August 2020].
[25] Gohebydd 2020. Solving the housing crisis in Wales. Undod 3 July. Available at: https://undod.cymru/en/2020/07/03/tai-housing/ [Accessed: 7 August 2020].
